Vahan Minakhorian, 1915 Tvakane [The Year 1915], Venice: St. Ghazar Press, 1949, pp. 64-71.
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THE ARF[1] [8TH] GENERAL CONGRESS
[ERZERUM SEPTEMBER 1914]
These were days of desperation, since there was an atmosphere of sadness in the countryside. Regardless, there were also glimpses of hope. It seemed that the time had come for the realization of decades old dreams.
It was in such an atmosphere that the 8th World Congress of the ARF started. The meetings were held at the ARF center [in Erzerum]. The main object of the meetings’ discussions was the reform project and issues associated with the reforms. The meeting started in a very solemn manner. There were no opening speeches. The presidency of the meeting was elected and the delegates’ credentials were ascertained. The different regions’ reports were read. They contained very sad realities. Land usurpation, partial deportations, many killings, as well as many instances of personal life and wealth seizures were indicated in the reports. One couldn’t stand without grief regarding such acts. The report by Bitlis representative Slak (Armenag Hokhigian) was really heart breaking. The same could be said about Van, Mush, Erzerum, Sivaz. The situation was comparatively better for Armenians living on the littorals of the sea. Everywhere, the people [Armenians] were unarmed. Their only salvation was to be the reform project, if and when it materialized.
As soon as the sessions devoted for the reading of the reports were concluded, the meeting took a turn to the bad. The general war had started. The initial meeting agenda that was agreed upon at the beginning of the meetings
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[Photo of Minakhorian in his youth]
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[Empty, back of photo]
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Was now useless. The war had changed everything. The most important issue now was what was going to be Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the war. Could it be that we could escape the war [not participate in it]? And, if the opposite happened, what situation would arise and would it be possible to secure the physical existence of the Armenian people? What would happen if, because of the war, an atmosphere of lawlessness came about in the country? Can we still hope for reforms in this new situation? It was those issues that we, a group of people who had been isolated from the world and with no tangible news about what was really happening out there, were discussing at the meeting. It was because of this that the congress deemed it necessary that an informed member form Constantinople come to Erzerum. A telegram was sent asking for Karekin Bastermajian [Armen Karo][2] to come to Erzerum.
It was the 25th of July (August 7th per the new calendar)…
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The next day we got news that K. Bastermajian could not leave Constantinople, since he was needed there. It seems our demand was impossible since the journey itself would take 10 days. The meeting had no other choice but to cut it short and concentrate its agenda on what was to be done since the war had become inevitable.
Most of the delegates entertained the idea that if Turkey participated in the war, the Armenians must perform their civil duties towards the state. However, the issue was more complex then what it seemed to be at first glance. And if Russia declared war on Turkey, what would be the stance of the Caucasian [Eastern] Armenians in such a case? The majority of the members argued that they [Eastern Armenians] too must perform their civil duties toward their state. Thus, national aspirations were to be put aside for a more objective view, where each segment of the Armenian population had to follow the dictates of the authority of the state under which it lived. This was akin to an older mentality of “being isolated from one another” that had existed in the past. The participants were cognizant of the asperity prevalent in such a mentality. Even though no one wanted to mention the problematic issue of positioning a brother against his own brother, which such a policy could entail. There was also a hopeful attitude that the reform project, which has inspired Armenians everywhere, could still go forward. Whatever way one thought, no one could escape the bare truth; the Armenian people were obliged to partake in two camps that were diametrically opposed to each other. At first, there were three or four delegates
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that were against such a fate. They were inclined toward a total rebellion in Western Armenia (Constantinople delegate, Hamazasb Srvanstian; Armenian Student Organization delegate, Dikran Khachikian; the two deligates from Sivaz, Vartanian and Poladian). However, during the discussions that ensued Rupen Der Minassian proposed that in the case of war we should form volunteer units and fight against the Russians and alongside the Turkish army. All those who advocated a rebellion finally went along with the majority decision, except for Servantsian.
At the end of July (old calendar) the Congress had exhausted its agenda and the delegates had left. The Congress did elect a 9 member committee, which was to decide on the rest of the issues that had not been discussed during the Congress.
The announcement of war had flabbergasted not only us, but even the Turkish authorities in Erzerum. The high ranking officials themselves were not sure what was to be done next. Even if the declaration of war was not a surprise for them, it was still ill-timed, since, in their opinion Turkey was not ready to take side in the universal conflict. The wounds of the Balkan Wars had not yet been healed. The army was in shambles and had lost all moral spirit. The arming, as was seen during the Balkan Wars, was at best inadequate. The country’s finances were in a very dire situation. Aside from issues pertaining to Armenians, The thorny issue of the Muhajirs was not yet solved. Besides, there were many governmental functions such as taxation, administrative, financial, under whose dire consequences the country was on the verge to collapse.
Regardless of the fact that the Turks were deprived of any moral attitude toward the war, they were nevertheless in a bellicose mood. The situation was such that it was obvious that Turkey’s participation in the war had become inevitable. This consideration in itself blackened all hopes that Western Armenians felt on the horizon…
In the beginning of August that Ittihad’s General Secretary, Behaeddin Shakir and Nazim Bey reached Erzerum…
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They had come as if to negotiate with the ARF General Congress regarding the stance Armenians would hold during the war. A few days before this A. [Arshak] Vramian[3] had also arrived at Erzerum. Vramian had taken over the negotiations with the CUP delegates together with Rostom [Stepan Zorian][4] and Aknuni [Khachadour Malumian].[5]
After the first two meetings [with the Turkish delegates], Vramian reported to us in a casual manner. We were gathered at a corner of the orchard at the Sanasarian College. Aknuni, Rostom, S. [Simon] Vratsian,[6] and R. [Rupen] Der Minassian][7] were present too. It was very clear from what Vramian said that the Turkish side was very enthusiastic regarding the war and, consequently, any approach by the ARF regarding Turkish neutrality in the war was not being taken seriously by the Turkish delegates.
The Turks, positively assured of German military superiority and hence victory in the war, were certain that the war itself would be advantageous for Turkey. They were also certain that, in the case of a Russian attack, they were able to have the Muslims of Trans-Caucasia, the Northern Caucasus, Middle Asia, and even those of India rebel against the Russians, thus creating a bewildering situation not only for the Russian Empire, but also for Great Britain1 It was from this perspective that they proposed that the ARF should cooperate with them in an organized fashion not only within Turkey, but in the Caucasus and the Armenian Diaspora. They proposed also that the ARF should organize volunteer units to aid the Ottoman army’s rear, develop a struggle against the monarchic Tsarist regime in Russia, and thus to weaken the Russian resolve on the Caucasus front. Moreover, the Turkish delegates also proposed that the ARF should motivate the Armenian Diaspora to reveal a spirit of a united Armenian-Turkish stance, and to sever all ties with foreign powers who had been prone on interfering in the internal affairs of the Ottoman state vis-à-vis the Armenian question, since this issue would have a proper solution at the end of the war.
Vramian finished his report with a question.
What are we going to propose [to them, the Turkish side]?
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No one of those present had the audacity of answering the question. All were in engulfed in a deep, thoughtful posture. It was indeed a n onerous situation. To accept the proposal of the Turkish side meant creating an ominous situation in the Caucasus and to enter into a acutely venturesome situation, because what the Turks were proposing had no affiliation whatsoever to the past events of the Armenian liberation movement. Nor did it coincide with the current Armenian aspirations. On the other hand, refusing the Turkish proposal meant creating an animosity for which Western Armenians were to pay dearly.
Moreover, it was clear that the ARF congress’s decision of “performing the civil duties that the state would ask from us,” would not gratify the Turkish side. In those decisive days they were in need of armed Armenian regiments that would fight alongside to them on the front for the advancement of the Turkish war cause. They needed absolute proof that Armenians would not provide any armed assistance to the Russians to the detriment of the Ottoman side. An indubitable persuasion was needed, whereby Armenians would this time lead the Turkish armies from Erzerum to Kars, in an effort to attack the Russian positions in the Caucasus. Finally, it was also necessary that Armenians, as a single unit, would show, without a reasonable doubt that Armenians had forsaken the Armenian Question and would seize from mentioning it during and especially after the war…
A couple of meetings were held with the Turkish delegates after Vramian had reported to us. They didn’t produce any new results. Thus, the negotiations ended with no tangible results…
The only positive achievement after the negotiations ended was that those ARF delegates still present at Erzerum decided to keep the Congress’s decision intact, since it stressed that Western Armenians would, under no circumstances, rebel during the war or instigate any measure of national issue, and it should comply with all civil duties, while at the same time remaining honest and duteous toward the Turkey and the Turks.
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[1] Armenian Revolutionary Federation, AKA Dashnaktsutyun or Tashnaktsutyun
[2] One of the group that seized the Ottoman bank in 1896. At the time member of Ottoman parliament from Erzerum.
[3] Arshak Vramian was a leading ARF member and member of the Ottoman Parliament from Van.
[4] A founding member of the ARF.
[5] A leading ARF member and the Chairman of the ARF Constantinople ruling body.
[6] Later to become prime minister of independent Armenia. He is also the author of The Republic of Armeia
[7] The leader of the fedayees in Sasun.
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